By Jennifer Medina
The working-class constituents that Vice President Kamala Harris’ presidential campaign sought did not respond to messages of happiness. Their anger over financial struggles overshadowed any narrative of joy.
Historically, Democrats have represented labor and the working class, appealing to those who expected the government to raise the minimum wage and offer support to the underprivileged, the elderly, and the ill. However, the latest election outcomes reveal how significantly this perception has faded, even among Latino, Black, and Asian American voters who remained loyal to the party during Donald Trump’s initial administration.
Latinos had indicated a trend: they moved away from Democrats toward Trump in 2020 and have since defected in even larger numbers this election year. Nevertheless, working-class Black and Asian American voters have also diverged from party lines in astonishing figures.
The repercussions are stark for Democrats, who find themselves in a crisis. Voters lacking a college degree constitute a significant majority of the electorate. Losing their support could mean the White House is out of reach. Moreover, for a party that prides itself on diversity, the waning backing from voters of color raises questions about its very identity.
However, discussions conducted over the past year with numerous working-class minority voters disclosed that the obstacles facing Democrats are both apparent and formidable. For many, hope has turned into skepticism. Assurances about affordable housing fell short, and highlighting achievements regarding insulin prices failed to resonate. In simple terms, the trust in the Democratic Party has vanished.
“Democrats switched,” remarked Daniel Trujillo, a barbershop owner in Las Vegas, who observed his clientele transition from supporting Barack Obama to backing Trump. “They went from championing the working class to suggesting that if you’re not college-educated and financially well-off, you’re unworthy.” He expressed delight in witnessing his customers increasingly embrace Trump.
“The right has appealed to blue-collar workers, focusing on strong borders, economic stability, and law enforcement,” Trujillo elaborated. “Who wouldn’t want that?”
Across various cities like Milwaukee, Phoenix, and Atlanta; within swap meets and strip malls; at children’s sports fields; and in community centers throughout urban and diverse suburbs, voters voiced consistent sentiments. The system wasn’t serving them effectively.
Many expressed that Democrats’ urgent warnings regarding threats to democracy felt significantly less pressing when compared to their urgent concerns about rent payments.
Generally, Black voters remained largely supportive of Democrats, as did a slightly smaller majority of Latinos and Asian Americans. Nevertheless, Republicans gained ground in major cities and diverse suburbs. Preliminary data indicated that Hispanic-majority counties leaned rightward by 13 percentage points, as did regions with substantial Asian American populations; Black-majority counties also shifted towards the GOP by approximately 3 points.
While Republicans quickly heralded this long-desired political shift, conversations with working-class voters this year imply that these changes may not endure. For many, their decisions served as both a message of rejection towards Democrats and an acceptance of Trump, his strategies, and his party.
“A thorough examination is essential among Democrats and other leaders who profess to represent working Latinos,” asserted Carlos Odio, director at Equis, a research organization that leans Democratic and concentrates on Latino voters. “The events of this election are not isolated; they stem from years of neglect that have finally culminated.”
David Paiz, 52, who works in city maintenance in Las Vegas, relocated during the pandemic, disillusioned by California’s living expenses. He felt exhilarated when he and his wife donned “Thug Life” shirts adorned with Trump’s image without facing negative remarks from neighbors or acquaintances.
“There are many things we want to achieve for our sons, to ensure their prosperity,” Paiz stated. “But under the current administration, I didn’t foresee that happening. With Trump stepping in as our new president, I envision many more opportunities.”
For some time, Democratic strategists claimed that voters like Paiz were merely “Trump-curious” and would ultimately be put off by Trump’s brashness or his stringent immigration policies.
Yet, nine years after he denigrated Mexicans during his inaugural campaign, and just nine days after a comedian at Trump’s Madison Square Garden rally in New York City made a crude joke about Latino birth rates, he appeared to capture a larger segment of the Latino and Black votes than any Republican presidential candidate since the civil rights era.
Inflation and economic disparities had taken a toll.
Two-thirds of Trump supporters indicated they had to reduce their grocery expenses this year, in contrast to only a third of Harris supporters, as per an October New York Times/Siena College poll.
These voters were not necessarily impoverished: many claimed they could afford food, but elevated prices left them with significantly less disposable income. Voters earning $20 an hour expressed frustration over their inability to treat their families to movies or casual outings at the mall.
Others described feeling hindered by skyrocketing rents and homeownership prices that seemed unattainable, fostering a belief that Trump could enhance their purchasing power.
While they maintained hope in the American dream, numerous nonwhite working-class voters articulated a growing perception of the Democratic Party as patronizing and excessively occupied with matters perceived as unimportant to their daily lives. They reacted negatively to social concerns such as the issues facing transgender youth or the party’s emphasis on reproductive rights. They felt criticized by liberals regarding COVID-19 regulations — and overwhelmed by the economic aftermath of the pandemic.
Some echoed sentiments remarkably similar to those of white working-class voters who initially powered Trump’s “Make America Great Again” initiative, expressing grievances regarding migrants receiving easier access to resources like housing and food than homeless veterans enduring difficult situations. Others believed that Trump — whom they deemed adept at engaging with foreign leaders — could swiftly resolve conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East.
“He’s a businessman, and a country should be run like a business — decisions can’t be rooted in emotions,” noted Juan Sosa, 34, a Cuban immigrant with three small enterprises in Las Vegas. “I feel like currently, we’re the laughingstock of the globe. There’s a lack of confidence in our stance and how we present ourselves to the rest of the world.”
Another trend became evident in numerous interviews throughout the past year: working-class voters of color frequently exhibited similar disbelief, downplaying, or dismissal of certain issues.
Latino voters, in particular, viewed Trump’s harsh pledge to round up and deport millions of undocumented immigrants with skepticism.
“Me, worried about deportations? Not even a bit,” expressed Angela De Los Santos, 54, an immigrant from the Dominican Republic and owner of a Dominican-Oaxacan restaurant in Hazleton, Pennsylvania. “Trump understands he requires immigrants for labor. We’re here to work, we commit no crimes; we won’t have any issues with that.”
